The Markhor, Pakistan’s national animal, is a symbol of the country’s natural beauty, resilience, and strength. With its striking, spiral horns and graceful stature, the Markhor is one of the most distinctive and remarkable wild goats found in the mountainous regions of northern and western Pakistan. As a creature of both cultural significance and ecological importance, the Markhor represents Pakistan’s commitment to preserving its wildlife and natural heritage.

Physical Characteristics: Nature’s Masterpiece

The Markhor is renowned for its majestic, corkscrew-shaped horns, which can grow up to 1.5 meters (5 feet) in length in males. These horns are its most striking feature and distinguish it from other wild goats. The animal’s name, “Markhor,” is believed to be derived from the Persian words “Mar” (snake) and “Khor” (eater), referring to the belief that the animal has the ability to kill or fight off snakes, though this is more folklore than fact.

Male Markhors are larger than females, and their horns are more prominent and elaborately twisted. They also have a longer coat, especially during the colder months, with a thick beard that gives them a regal appearance. Females, while smaller and with less prominent horns, are equally agile and graceful.

Habitat: Mountainous Majesty

The Markhor thrives in rugged, mountainous terrains at elevations ranging from 600 to 3,600 meters (1,970 to 11,800 feet). It is primarily found in the northern and western regions of Pakistan, particularly in the Himalayas, Hindu Kush, and Karakoram mountain ranges. The provinces of Gilgit-Baltistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and parts of Balochistan serve as key habitats for these wild goats.

Adapted to the harsh, rocky landscapes of these regions, the Markhor is a skilled climber, able to traverse steep cliffs and narrow ridges with ease. This agility not only helps it evade predators but also aids in foraging for food in difficult terrain.

Conservation Status: A Story of Recovery

The Markhor was once on the brink of extinction, largely due to illegal hunting, habitat loss, and competition with domestic livestock. By the late 20th century, its population had dwindled alarmingly, and the species was classified as endangered by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN).

In response, the government of Pakistan, along with international conservation organizations, launched several initiatives to protect the Markhor. Strict hunting regulations were imposed, and community-led conservation programs were introduced. These efforts have been remarkably successful, leading to a gradual recovery in the Markhor population. In 2015, the IUCN downgraded the Markhor’s status from “endangered” to “near-threatened,” recognizing the positive impact of conservation efforts.

One of the most successful conservation models has been the community-based trophy hunting program. Local communities are given a quota for limited hunting permits, which are auctioned to international hunters. A significant portion of the revenue generated goes back to the local communities, providing them with a financial incentive to protect the Markhor and its habitat.

Cultural and National Significance

The Markhor holds a special place in the cultural and national identity of Pakistan. As the country’s national animal, it represents the resilience, strength, and beauty of Pakistan’s wilderness and people. Its unique appearance and ability to survive in challenging environments resonate with the values of courage and endurance.

In local folklore, the Markhor is often seen as a creature with mystical powers. The spiral horns are sometimes viewed as a symbol of wisdom and leadership, reflecting the Markhor’s status as the “king” of the mountain goats. Additionally, the animal is associated with bravery and strength, qualities that align with the spirit of Pakistan.

The image of the Markhor is also featured prominently in various emblems and logos throughout Pakistan, including the insignia of the Pakistan Army’s elite Special Services Group (SSG). Its representation in official symbols highlights the national pride and reverence the country has for this majestic animal.

Behavior and Diet: A Survivor of Harsh Environments

Markhors are primarily herbivores, feeding on grasses, leaves, and shrubs, depending on the season. During the summer, they graze on a variety of plants found in the high-altitude meadows. In the winter months, when food is scarce, they move to lower altitudes, foraging for any available vegetation, including leaves, twigs, and bark.

They are social animals, often found in small herds, typically consisting of females and their young. Males tend to be solitary, except during the mating season, when they join the herds to compete for mates. The rutting season, which occurs in the winter, is marked by intense competition among males, with dramatic horn clashes that can last for hours.

Challenges and Future of the Markhor

Despite the success of conservation efforts, the Markhor still faces significant challenges. Habitat loss due to deforestation, expanding agriculture, and infrastructure development continues to threaten the regions where they live. Additionally, climate change poses a long-term risk, potentially altering the ecosystems that support the Markhor.

Continued conservation efforts are crucial to ensuring the long-term survival of the Markhor. Sustainable management of its habitat, strict enforcement of anti-poaching laws, and ongoing community involvement in conservation programs are all vital to maintaining and expanding the Markhor population.

Conclusion: A Symbol of Pakistan’s Natural Heritage

The Markhor is more than just a wild goat; it is a symbol of Pakistan’s natural beauty and the country’s commitment to preserving its unique wildlife. Its recovery from the brink of extinction is a testament to the power of conservation and the importance of protecting the natural world for future generations. As Pakistan’s national animal, the Markhor stands as a proud representation of the country’s strength, resilience, and rich ecological heritage.

To see the Markhor thriving in the mountains of northern Pakistan is to witness nature at its most magnificent—a reminder of the beauty that still exists in our world and the responsibility we all share to protect it.

The rise of Hindu nationalists in India has rudely brought into focus the two socio-political realities of the post-independent Indian subcontinent; first is that the religion and its based ethos remained the essential elements of the individuals and their group identities overriding other primordial factors like caste-class, language and region. And, second is that the overwhelming numerical majority of the Hindu community and their increasingly un-accommodative attitude in the subcontinent has remained a serious challenge for the autonomous survival and flourishment of the other communities, especially the Indian Muslims, inside as well as outside India, – the South Asian state-system. This article is an attempt to re-visit the pre-partition era in order to understand the logic of Sir Allama Dr. Muhammad Iqbal and Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s views about the self, the Indian-Muslim, and the other, the majority Hindu community. Their definition of the self is essential to understand the behavior of the Muslim nationalism in India, the emergence of Pakistan, and will also help explain the later attitude of the Hindu majority towards the Muslims in post-partition India, both under the All India National Congress and now the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). 

The introduction of Islam in the subcontinent had brought a fundamental change in the socio-cultural fabric of its society. Unlike the other non-Hindu religions of the past, Islam refused to merge into the old traditions of the Brahmanical religion. Its followers, both outsiders and local converts, captured the political power and governed the subcontinent for over a thousand years. During this period of hegemony, the socio-religious Persian-Arabic traditions of the elite interacted with local traditions and created a distinct Indian-Muslim civilization, Islam-Urdu. This Islam-Urdu civilization created its elite-middle class, especially the middle town gentry that made significant contributions in every aspect of its life, art, literature, music, and architecture of the subcontinent. The Hindu upper-caste gentry did participate in this Islam-Urdu venture but their role was treated as ancillary. The British colonization of India came largely at the expense of this Muslim gentry; in addition to it, the Hindu gentry joined the British-Indian Raj and continued to serve and benefit from the personage of the new state. The Muslim gentry suspected the role of Hindus in their defeats in battles of Plassey under Siraj-ud-Dawla and Seringapatam under Tipu Sultan; after these defeats the Raj in retaliation completely wiped out the Muslim gentry in Bengal. Later, almost the same roles were repeated in the 1857 War of Independence. The Muslim suspicions about the intentions of the Hindus were further increased with the projected ideologies and activities of the Hindu revivalist movements like Brahmo Samaj and Arya Samaj. They were perceived as instruments of the Hindu gentry to unify their community on the cult of Shivaji against the Muslims in India. The numerically strong Hindu gentry was perceived determined to exploit the anti-Muslim sentiments of the British in order to occupy the positions of power and economy in the Raj and fulfill their long-held dream of the revival of Hindu Raj in India. In the light of their experience, the Muslim gentry considered the possibility of any Hindu-dominated political order a serious threat to the survival of the Indian-Muslim community and its Islam-Urdu civilization in India. Moreover, the Raj introduced the institutions of elections for the local bodies and competitive exams for the bureaucratic jobs; these developments further increased the fears of marginalization of the Muslim gentry against 80 percent majority share of the Hindu community compared to their own 13.5 percent share. Therefore, in the post-1857 War of Independence era, the entire Muslim gentry and its leadership were determined to survive as a distinct Indian-Muslim community in the subcontinent through balancing the Hindu majority and avoiding any possibility of the establishment of a Hindu Raj. 
Sir Allama Dr. Muhammad Iqbal was the first leader who understood the dilemma of the Indian Muslims who were caught in between the power of the Raj and its ideas, and the Hindu majority that was not ready to accept them as an equal community. He interpreted the Western concept of democracy and nationalism in order to make them ideologically and practically relevant to the situation in India. In this regards, he started his intellectual journey from the Western concept of romantic Indian nationalism; his famous poem Sāre jahān se acchā, Hindositān hamārā (Better than the entire world, is our Hindustan), reflected his early views. Later, he reconsidered his views and found Western concepts less compatible with the Indian environment that was composed of diverse communal groups. Accordingly, India was an amalgamation of diverse communal units that cut across the regional and linguistic lines. He argued that the democratic system of the Raj had to recognize this reality and reorient itself from its territorial standpoint to the communal units of Indian society. Similarly, he disagreed with the concept of nationalism that he thought were in conflict with the universal and ethical nature of Islam. He was critical of the narrow public focus of the concept of nationalism that had taken religion away from the public to the private sphere. He argued that the Islamic concept of nationalism freed an individual from his geographical limitation and binds him to a universal social order. This universal Islamic social order combines the ethical, legal, and political ideals of Islam. He further argued that throughout history Islam had played a vital role in the lives of Indian Muslims and had provided them essential emotions for the development of mutual loyalties which now bind these scattered individuals and groups into a well-defined people. That is why the Indian Muslims were the most homogeneous and united people in India fit for any definition of a nation in the modern sense of the word. Iqbal argued that the ethical-political social order of Islam encouraged the Muslim community to find internal harmony across various diversities and, simultaneously, negotiate reciprocal communal harmony and cooperation with other communities. 
Allama Muhammad Iqbal considered the communal problem between Hindus and Muslims as an international issue because for him the communal groups were nations in their own rights. He thought that issues between Hindu and Muslim communities could only be settled on a reciprocal basis through giving full respect to the customs, laws, religious and social institutions of each other’s communities. That is why he was less enthusiastic for any power-sharing formula based on separate electorates in a unified central legislative, rather he preferred a federal structure in which a community had a right to free development according to its ideals. The 1928 Congress’ rejection of the Lucknow Pact, in which it had accepted the principles of separate electorates, concept of weightage – Muslims should receive more than their demographic share in terms of representation in the Muslim minority provinces – and one-third share in the legislative, through the Nehru Report convinced Allama Muhammad Iqbal that the establishment of a separate region for Indian Muslims was the only way to avert the threat of the Hindu Raj in an independent India. He perceived autonomy through self-government as essential for the survival and self-preservation of the Muslim community and its way of life in India. In this regards, in 1930, at the annual session of the All India Muslim League at Allahabad, he proposed the formation of a Muslim autonomous unit consisted of the Punjab, NWFP, Sindh, and Balochistan within or without the British Empire as the only solution for the communal problem in India. He declared that his proposal was in the best interest of India and Islam because it would provide peace and security to all Indians through establishing an internal communal balance of power. He argued that his proposal would also provide an opportunity to the Indian Muslims to modernize and bring them closer to the original spirit of Islam, their traditions of law, education, and culture.
Like Allama Muhammad Iqbal, Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah started his political struggle as an ardent supporter of Indian nationalism. At that time, he disagreed with the efforts of Simla Deputation, a 35-member delegation under the leadership of Sir Aga Khan III, about a separate electorate for the Muslims; on the contrary, he wanted to unify both the communities to have a joint struggle for Home Rule (self-government). He was a liberal democrat and wanted to have a state where all the citizens could live freely and enjoy their religious and social life. In the Lucknow Pact, his proposal for the reservation of one-third representation was for the protection of minority rights in majority provinces and applied to both Hindus and Muslims in their respective majority provinces. His passionate and unbiased work for communal unity earned him the title of the ‘ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity’. His approach to the communal problem in India was that communities should be defined in socio-religious terms but be treated with political equality and protected through secular constitutional power-sharing formula. But, the narrow-minded and violent Hindu communalists confronted his approach; Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi initiated the process, he wanted to use religion for the mass mobilization of the Hindu community. In the 1920 annual session of the Congress at Nagpur, the gradual and constitutional political approach of Jinnah was rejected, and ‘Mahatma’s approach of religious mass mobilization for the attainment of swaraj (independence) was adopted. This religio-political approach for mass mobilization resulted in a decade of communal Hindu-Muslim violence instigated by the aggressive-violent campaign of Shuddhi and Sangathan movements against the ordinary Muslim masses. Jinnah still wanted to have a Hindu-Muslim concord; in 1928, he offered the Congress that the Muslims were ready to give up the separate electorates in return for the reservation of one-third of seats in the Central Assembly. The Congress rejected his proposal; later, its two claimed moderated leaders Motilal Nehru and Tej Bahadur Sapru, in their Nehru Report, went back on all the previously accepted promises of the constitutional protection for the Muslim minority. The All India Muslim League rejected the report and Jinnah presented his charter of 14 Points with the demands of a federal form of government and separate electorates for the minorities. In 1937, the Congress again betrayed the Indian Muslims and Jinnah, in the formation of the provincial government in United Provinces (UP-present-day Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand). Despite an informal pre-election alliance, it refused to form a government with the Muslim League and formed a Hindu majority government in the province; its UP Legislative Party had only two Muslim legislators. This compelled Jinnah to declare categorically that he believed in a Hindu-Muslim pact but it could not be achieved at the destruction of one and survival of the other.
The 1937 Hindu majority provincial governments of the Congress convinced Jinnah and the Muslim community that after the British withdraw, no constitutional arrangement could safeguard them against the emergence of a permanent Hindu majority and conversion of the Indian Muslims into a permanent minority. In such a Hindu majoritarian system, the Indian Muslims would be completely shut out of power and would be forced to live as a helpless minority. At this historical juncture, Allama Iqbal advised Jinnah that in a Hindu majority state, the enforcement and development of the Shariat (Islamic way of life) of Islam was not possible and that Islam and Muslims could only flourish in a free state. Furthermore, an independent Muslim state was essential for the economic prosperity and peace in India. The demand for self-preservation, fear of the establishment of a destructive Hindu Raj, and desire for participation in the processes of modernization were the basic elements of the context in which the Indian Muslim nationalism took its final shape. Pakistan emerged as a consensus of the entire Muslim community of the Raj both in the minority and majority provinces. Jinnah declared that the Muslims of India were not merely a religious community rather a nation with their distinct way of life, history, culture, and civilization. Therefore, the Hindu-Muslim problem was not communal rather national and it could only be settled based on the principle of sovereign equality for both the Hindu and Muslim nations. On August 11, 1947, in his first speech to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, presided by Jogendra Nath Mandal, Jinnah, as the Governor-General of Pakistan, reiterated his constitutional approach to religious matters, he declared religious freedom and political equality for all citizens of Pakistan irrespective of their faith.
The evolution of post-independence India from secular-Hindu-majoritarianism to explicitly Hindu-majoritarianism justified the foresightedness of the forefathers of Pakistan. Despite its secular claims, the Indian state and society remained susceptible to a communal discourse of its political leadership. The Indian political elite used the rhetoric of secularism to mobilize the Indian Muslim minority for electoral purposes while they continued to suspect their loyalty to the new state of India as potential citizens of Pakistan. Minister of Home Affairs Vallabhbhai Jhaverbhai Patel actively participated in the rebuilding activities of the Somnath Temple as a symbol of the Hindu political revival. Additionally, he removed all Muslim officers from important positions in his ministry. The Indian Muslim community faced similar communal attitudes in other fields as well; most of their energies were wasted in the preservation of their symbols of identity, such as the Urdu language, the Muslim Personal Law, the Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), and Article 370 of the constitution that attempted to ensure the Muslim majority status of the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Their population was 13.5 percent but their representation in the Lok Sabha was around 2 to 6 percent; an almost similar decline was witnessed in other aspects of Indian national life from education to government jobs. Thus, long before the rise of Hindu nationalism, the political marginalization and the socio-economic ghettoization of the Indian Muslim community were completed. The rise of BJP has further increased their socio-political irrelevance to the Indian national life. At present, there are only 22 Muslim Members of Parliament (MPs) in 545 members of Lok Sabha; around 14 states have not elected even a single Muslim MP in the last 25 years. In this hostile environment, the Indian Muslims had failed to protect essential elements of their community’s identity like Article 370 and the Babri Masjid. The Muslim Personal Law was amended without the consent of the community. With the passage of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act of 2019, Indian Muslims are now facing the real possibility of becoming second-class citizens in their own country. 
In this Hindu Raj, Indian Muslims are being repeatedly told that they are a minority and their community’s memories, artifacts, architecture, and culture are not a part of the Hindu nation. On the protest of Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), Furqan Ali, a headmaster of a government primary school in Pilibhit district of Uttar Pradesh, was suspended because his students recited a poem written by Allama Iqbal, “Lab pe aati hai dua ban kay tamana meri” (May longing come to my lips as supplication of mine O Allah!). Similarly, the Sangh Parivar had demanded from the Aligarh Muslim University to remove the portrait of Muhammad Ali Jinnah from the walls of its student union office where it was hung for the last eight decades, since Jinnah was an honorary member of the students’ union. 

DR. MUHAMMAD MUJEEB AFZAL

The writer is on the faculty of Quaid-i-Azam University (School of Politics and International Relations).

Jasmine, known as “Chambeli” in Urdu, holds a special place in the hearts of Pakistanis. Declared the national flower of Pakistan, the jasmine flower is not just admired for its aesthetic beauty but also for the deep symbolism it carries. In a nation marked by diversity and cultural richness, jasmine reflects the country’s values of simplicity, peace, purity, and resilience.

Botanical Features of Jasmine

Jasmine is part of the Oleaceae family, and there are more than 200 species of this delicate flower. The flower is typically white, though some species also bloom in yellow. Jasmine thrives in warm, tropical, and subtropical climates, making it perfectly suited for Pakistan’s environment. The plant is famous for its sweet and captivating fragrance, which intensifies at night, filling the air with its pleasant aroma.

Jasmine can be grown as a shrub or climbing vine, depending on the variety. It is easy to cultivate, requiring little more than well-drained soil, regular watering, and ample sunlight, which explains its widespread growth in home gardens, parks, and public spaces across the country.

Symbolism of Jasmine

Jasmine carries significant symbolism not just in Pakistan, but also across the world. Its sweet fragrance, simple beauty, and delicate petals have made it a symbol of many virtues. In Pakistan, the jasmine flower represents:

1. Purity and Modesty:
   The delicate white petals of the jasmine flower are seen as a representation of purity and innocence. This reflects Pakistan’s cultural emphasis on simplicity, modesty, and moral integrity.
2. Humility:
   Despite its overwhelming beauty and fragrance, jasmine is a humble flower. It grows abundantly, often unnoticed in gardens and along fences. This humility resonates with Pakistan’s values of kindness, humility, and resilience.
3. Peace:
   In a country that has gone through numerous struggles for peace and unity, jasmine symbolizes the enduring quest for harmony and calm. Its gentle nature and tranquil fragrance remind the nation of the importance of peace in society and the beauty of coexisting with one another.
4. Resilience:
   Despite being delicate, jasmine is a resilient flower that can thrive in challenging climates. In many ways, this mirrors the spirit of Pakistan, a country that has faced and overcome various challenges, demonstrating great strength and resilience.

Cultural Significance of Jasmine in Pakistan

Jasmine has a significant cultural presence in Pakistan. It is often used in religious ceremonies, weddings, and festivals. Brides wear garlands of jasmine to symbolize beauty and purity. The flower is also used to decorate homes and mosques during various celebrations, including Eid and other national holidays. Jasmine garlands are frequently gifted to honor guests, showing hospitality and respect.

The fragrance of jasmine is also highly valued in the production of perfumes and oils in Pakistan. Jasmine oil, known for its therapeutic properties, is used in aromatherapy to reduce stress and promote relaxation.

Jasmine as the National Flower

In 1961, the jasmine was officially declared the national flower of Pakistan. Its selection was a reflection of the nation’s aspiration to embody the qualities of purity, simplicity, and unity in its national identity. As the country has developed over the years, jasmine remains a timeless symbol of the country’s beauty and resilience.

In addition to being the national flower, jasmine plays a vital role in promoting tourism in Pakistan. Jasmine-themed souvenirs, decorations, and fragrances are popular among tourists, symbolizing their connection to the country’s rich natural beauty and cultural heritage.

Jasmine in Poetry and Literature

Jasmine has often been used as a metaphor in Pakistani poetry and literature, symbolizing beauty, love, and longing. Renowned poets of Pakistan, including Faiz Ahmed Faiz, have used the image of jasmine to evoke powerful emotions of hope, love, and purity. Its fragrant presence in Pakistani gardens and homes has inspired countless poets and writers to include jasmine in their works, making it a beloved element of Pakistan’s literary tradition.

Conservation and Cultivation of Jasmine

Pakistan’s climate is naturally suited to jasmine cultivation. However, due to rapid urbanization and loss of green spaces, efforts have been made to promote its cultivation both in rural and urban areas. Many public parks and botanical gardens in major cities like Islamabad, Lahore, and Karachi feature beautifully maintained jasmine plants, and the flower remains a popular choice for home gardens due to its low maintenance and high aesthetic value.

Furthermore, campaigns have been launched to plant jasmine across the country as part of Pakistan’s reforestation and environmental conservation efforts. The flower not only adds to the aesthetic beauty of Pakistan’s landscapes but also contributes to the preservation of biodiversity.

Conclusion

Jasmine, the national flower of Pakistan, is more than just a delicate and fragrant bloom. It represents the nation’s essence, symbolizing purity, peace, humility, and resilience. As Pakistan continues to evolve in the modern world, the enduring presence of jasmine serves as a reminder of the nation’s core values and aspirations.

Whether growing in the gardens of homes or woven into the poetry and culture of the people, jasmine remains a deeply cherished and symbolic flower for all Pakistanis. It is a beacon of the beauty and strength that define the country, bringing with it a message of peace and hope for a prosperous future.