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Iqbal-Jinnah’s View of Hindu Communalism

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The rise of Hindu nationalists in India has rudely brought into focus the two socio-political realities of the post-independent Indian subcontinent; first is that the religion and its based ethos remained the essential elements of the individuals and their group identities overriding other primordial factors like caste-class, language and region. And, second is that the overwhelming numerical majority of the Hindu community and their increasingly un-accommodative attitude in the subcontinent has remained a serious challenge for the autonomous survival and flourishment of the other communities, especially the Indian Muslims, inside as well as outside India, – the South Asian state-system. This article is an attempt to re-visit the pre-partition era in order to understand the logic of Sir Allama Dr. Muhammad Iqbal and Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s views about the self, the Indian-Muslim, and the other, the majority Hindu community. Their definition of the self is essential to understand the behavior of the Muslim nationalism in India, the emergence of Pakistan, and will also help explain the later attitude of the Hindu majority towards the Muslims in post-partition India, both under the All India National Congress and now the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). 


The introduction of Islam in the subcontinent had brought a fundamental change in the socio-cultural fabric of its society. Unlike the other non-Hindu religions of the past, Islam refused to merge into the old traditions of the Brahmanical religion. Its followers, both outsiders and local converts, captured the political power and governed the subcontinent for over a thousand years. During this period of hegemony, the socio-religious Persian-Arabic traditions of the elite interacted with local traditions and created a distinct Indian-Muslim civilization, Islam-Urdu. This Islam-Urdu civilization created its elite-middle class, especially the middle town gentry that made significant contributions in every aspect of its life, art, literature, music, and architecture of the subcontinent. The Hindu upper-caste gentry did participate in this Islam-Urdu venture but their role was treated as ancillary. The British colonization of India came largely at the expense of this Muslim gentry; in addition to it, the Hindu gentry joined the British-Indian Raj and continued to serve and benefit from the personage of the new state. The Muslim gentry suspected the role of Hindus in their defeats in battles of Plassey under Siraj-ud-Dawla and Seringapatam under Tipu Sultan; after these defeats the Raj in retaliation completely wiped out the Muslim gentry in Bengal. Later, almost the same roles were repeated in the 1857 War of Independence. The Muslim suspicions about the intentions of the Hindus were further increased with the projected ideologies and activities of the Hindu revivalist movements like Brahmo Samaj and Arya Samaj. They were perceived as instruments of the Hindu gentry to unify their community on the cult of Shivaji against the Muslims in India. The numerically strong Hindu gentry was perceived determined to exploit the anti-Muslim sentiments of the British in order to occupy the positions of power and economy in the Raj and fulfill their long-held dream of the revival of Hindu Raj in India. In the light of their experience, the Muslim gentry considered the possibility of any Hindu-dominated political order a serious threat to the survival of the Indian-Muslim community and its Islam-Urdu civilization in India. Moreover, the Raj introduced the institutions of elections for the local bodies and competitive exams for the bureaucratic jobs; these developments further increased the fears of marginalization of the Muslim gentry against 80 percent majority share of the Hindu community compared to their own 13.5 percent share. Therefore, in the post-1857 War of Independence era, the entire Muslim gentry and its leadership were determined to survive as a distinct Indian-Muslim community in the subcontinent through balancing the Hindu majority and avoiding any possibility of the establishment of a Hindu Raj. 
Sir Allama Dr. Muhammad Iqbal was the first leader who understood the dilemma of the Indian Muslims who were caught in between the power of the Raj and its ideas, and the Hindu majority that was not ready to accept them as an equal community. He interpreted the Western concept of democracy and nationalism in order to make them ideologically and practically relevant to the situation in India. In this regards, he started his intellectual journey from the Western concept of romantic Indian nationalism; his famous poem Sāre jahān se acchā, Hindositān hamārā (Better than the entire world, is our Hindustan), reflected his early views. Later, he reconsidered his views and found Western concepts less compatible with the Indian environment that was composed of diverse communal groups. Accordingly, India was an amalgamation of diverse communal units that cut across the regional and linguistic lines. He argued that the democratic system of the Raj had to recognize this reality and reorient itself from its territorial standpoint to the communal units of Indian society. Similarly, he disagreed with the concept of nationalism that he thought were in conflict with the universal and ethical nature of Islam. He was critical of the narrow public focus of the concept of nationalism that had taken religion away from the public to the private sphere. He argued that the Islamic concept of nationalism freed an individual from his geographical limitation and binds him to a universal social order. This universal Islamic social order combines the ethical, legal, and political ideals of Islam. He further argued that throughout history Islam had played a vital role in the lives of Indian Muslims and had provided them essential emotions for the development of mutual loyalties which now bind these scattered individuals and groups into a well-defined people. That is why the Indian Muslims were the most homogeneous and united people in India fit for any definition of a nation in the modern sense of the word. Iqbal argued that the ethical-political social order of Islam encouraged the Muslim community to find internal harmony across various diversities and, simultaneously, negotiate reciprocal communal harmony and cooperation with other communities. 
Allama Muhammad Iqbal considered the communal problem between Hindus and Muslims as an international issue because for him the communal groups were nations in their own rights. He thought that issues between Hindu and Muslim communities could only be settled on a reciprocal basis through giving full respect to the customs, laws, religious and social institutions of each other’s communities. That is why he was less enthusiastic for any power-sharing formula based on separate electorates in a unified central legislative, rather he preferred a federal structure in which a community had a right to free development according to its ideals. The 1928 Congress’ rejection of the Lucknow Pact, in which it had accepted the principles of separate electorates, concept of weightage – Muslims should receive more than their demographic share in terms of representation in the Muslim minority provinces – and one-third share in the legislative, through the Nehru Report convinced Allama Muhammad Iqbal that the establishment of a separate region for Indian Muslims was the only way to avert the threat of the Hindu Raj in an independent India. He perceived autonomy through self-government as essential for the survival and self-preservation of the Muslim community and its way of life in India. In this regards, in 1930, at the annual session of the All India Muslim League at Allahabad, he proposed the formation of a Muslim autonomous unit consisted of the Punjab, NWFP, Sindh, and Balochistan within or without the British Empire as the only solution for the communal problem in India. He declared that his proposal was in the best interest of India and Islam because it would provide peace and security to all Indians through establishing an internal communal balance of power. He argued that his proposal would also provide an opportunity to the Indian Muslims to modernize and bring them closer to the original spirit of Islam, their traditions of law, education, and culture.
Like Allama Muhammad Iqbal, Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah started his political struggle as an ardent supporter of Indian nationalism. At that time, he disagreed with the efforts of Simla Deputation, a 35-member delegation under the leadership of Sir Aga Khan III, about a separate electorate for the Muslims; on the contrary, he wanted to unify both the communities to have a joint struggle for Home Rule (self-government). He was a liberal democrat and wanted to have a state where all the citizens could live freely and enjoy their religious and social life. In the Lucknow Pact, his proposal for the reservation of one-third representation was for the protection of minority rights in majority provinces and applied to both Hindus and Muslims in their respective majority provinces. His passionate and unbiased work for communal unity earned him the title of the ‘ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity’. His approach to the communal problem in India was that communities should be defined in socio-religious terms but be treated with political equality and protected through secular constitutional power-sharing formula. But, the narrow-minded and violent Hindu communalists confronted his approach; Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi initiated the process, he wanted to use religion for the mass mobilization of the Hindu community. In the 1920 annual session of the Congress at Nagpur, the gradual and constitutional political approach of Jinnah was rejected, and ‘Mahatma’s approach of religious mass mobilization for the attainment of swaraj (independence) was adopted. This religio-political approach for mass mobilization resulted in a decade of communal Hindu-Muslim violence instigated by the aggressive-violent campaign of Shuddhi and Sangathan movements against the ordinary Muslim masses. Jinnah still wanted to have a Hindu-Muslim concord; in 1928, he offered the Congress that the Muslims were ready to give up the separate electorates in return for the reservation of one-third of seats in the Central Assembly. The Congress rejected his proposal; later, its two claimed moderated leaders Motilal Nehru and Tej Bahadur Sapru, in their Nehru Report, went back on all the previously accepted promises of the constitutional protection for the Muslim minority. The All India Muslim League rejected the report and Jinnah presented his charter of 14 Points with the demands of a federal form of government and separate electorates for the minorities. In 1937, the Congress again betrayed the Indian Muslims and Jinnah, in the formation of the provincial government in United Provinces (UP-present-day Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand). Despite an informal pre-election alliance, it refused to form a government with the Muslim League and formed a Hindu majority government in the province; its UP Legislative Party had only two Muslim legislators. This compelled Jinnah to declare categorically that he believed in a Hindu-Muslim pact but it could not be achieved at the destruction of one and survival of the other.
The 1937 Hindu majority provincial governments of the Congress convinced Jinnah and the Muslim community that after the British withdraw, no constitutional arrangement could safeguard them against the emergence of a permanent Hindu majority and conversion of the Indian Muslims into a permanent minority. In such a Hindu majoritarian system, the Indian Muslims would be completely shut out of power and would be forced to live as a helpless minority. At this historical juncture, Allama Iqbal advised Jinnah that in a Hindu majority state, the enforcement and development of the Shariat (Islamic way of life) of Islam was not possible and that Islam and Muslims could only flourish in a free state. Furthermore, an independent Muslim state was essential for the economic prosperity and peace in India. The demand for self-preservation, fear of the establishment of a destructive Hindu Raj, and desire for participation in the processes of modernization were the basic elements of the context in which the Indian Muslim nationalism took its final shape. Pakistan emerged as a consensus of the entire Muslim community of the Raj both in the minority and majority provinces. Jinnah declared that the Muslims of India were not merely a religious community rather a nation with their distinct way of life, history, culture, and civilization. Therefore, the Hindu-Muslim problem was not communal rather national and it could only be settled based on the principle of sovereign equality for both the Hindu and Muslim nations. On August 11, 1947, in his first speech to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, presided by Jogendra Nath Mandal, Jinnah, as the Governor-General of Pakistan, reiterated his constitutional approach to religious matters, he declared religious freedom and political equality for all citizens of Pakistan irrespective of their faith.
The evolution of post-independence India from secular-Hindu-majoritarianism to explicitly Hindu-majoritarianism justified the foresightedness of the forefathers of Pakistan. Despite its secular claims, the Indian state and society remained susceptible to a communal discourse of its political leadership. The Indian political elite used the rhetoric of secularism to mobilize the Indian Muslim minority for electoral purposes while they continued to suspect their loyalty to the new state of India as potential citizens of Pakistan. Minister of Home Affairs Vallabhbhai Jhaverbhai Patel actively participated in the rebuilding activities of the Somnath Temple as a symbol of the Hindu political revival. Additionally, he removed all Muslim officers from important positions in his ministry. The Indian Muslim community faced similar communal attitudes in other fields as well; most of their energies were wasted in the preservation of their symbols of identity, such as the Urdu language, the Muslim Personal Law, the Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), and Article 370 of the constitution that attempted to ensure the Muslim majority status of the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Their population was 13.5 percent but their representation in the Lok Sabha was around 2 to 6 percent; an almost similar decline was witnessed in other aspects of Indian national life from education to government jobs. Thus, long before the rise of Hindu nationalism, the political marginalization and the socio-economic ghettoization of the Indian Muslim community were completed. The rise of BJP has further increased their socio-political irrelevance to the Indian national life. At present, there are only 22 Muslim Members of Parliament (MPs) in 545 members of Lok Sabha; around 14 states have not elected even a single Muslim MP in the last 25 years. In this hostile environment, the Indian Muslims had failed to protect essential elements of their community’s identity like Article 370 and the Babri Masjid. The Muslim Personal Law was amended without the consent of the community. With the passage of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act of 2019, Indian Muslims are now facing the real possibility of becoming second-class citizens in their own country. 
In this Hindu Raj, Indian Muslims are being repeatedly told that they are a minority and their community’s memories, artifacts, architecture, and culture are not a part of the Hindu nation. On the protest of Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), Furqan Ali, a headmaster of a government primary school in Pilibhit district of Uttar Pradesh, was suspended because his students recited a poem written by Allama Iqbal, “Lab pe aati hai dua ban kay tamana meri” (May longing come to my lips as supplication of mine O Allah!). Similarly, the Sangh Parivar had demanded from the Aligarh Muslim University to remove the portrait of Muhammad Ali Jinnah from the walls of its student union office where it was hung for the last eight decades, since Jinnah was an honorary member of the students’ union. 

DR. MUHAMMAD MUJEEB AFZAL

The writer is on the faculty of Quaid-i-Azam University (School of Politics and International Relations).

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Have a Visit to the Naturally resourceful Pakistan

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Khewra Salt Mines

I just came to know that Pakistan is ranked the second number in the world’s list of salt reserves. So I thought it better to share it with you as well. Most of the salt reserves are located in the district of Jhelum in the Punjab province. In this write, I would like to introduce you to Khewra Salt Mines.

Khewra Salt Mines

Khewra Salt Mines are a bit far from Islamabad. The distance is around 160 kilometers from Islamabad and approximately 15 kilometers north of the Jhelum settlement of Pind Dadan Khan. This place is more fascinating and attractive for the tourist. This amazing place was discovered in 326 BC by the army of Alexander the Great while marching through Pakistan with their horses. Luckily their horses started licking the rocks so a soldier replicated them and revealed the secret. And today it has been ranked at the second number in terms of size.          

Khewra Mine Looks Like

The Khewra Salt Mines are the earliest salt mines in the history of salt mining on the Indian subcontinent. In the form of an irregular dome-like structure, salt is found in nature. It is possible to find seven broad salts seems with a combined thickness of around 150 meters. This is the place where one can find 99 percent pure salt. More interestingly you would find different colors of salt like transparent, white, pink, reddish, or beef-color red. 

It is not just a salt mine but a full-fledged closet to visit. The mines are filled with architectural wonders such as mosques, a copy of the Minar-e-Pakistan, a sanatorium, Chaghi Mountain, and various other brightly colored structures made entirely of salt bricks. The monuments are illuminated from within by lights. One can find Sheesh Mahal which is also known as the palaces of mirrors. The walls of the palace are made up of clear salt and water pools are lighten up with lamps.

Besides, its popularity for high-quality salt, it is also known for its gypsum, marble, lime clay, potash, coal, and a variety of other minerals.

Annual Production of Salt

Khewra mines are regarded to be the most ancient in the history of salt mining on the subcontinent. Salinity was assessed to be 98 percent pure in 2018, resulting in the annual production of 389,134 tons of pure salt. In addition to the cash generated by the production, a substantial amount is generated by the approximately 40,000 visitors who come to the site every month. The anticipated yearly production of pink, white, & red salt is about 347,000 tons, with the majority of it being sold to China, India, the United States, and Germany.

By knowing this I think this is a worth visiting place. And amazingly the visiting ticket cost just 220 Rupees per head and half for students and children. Moreover, the visiting timing is from 9 am to 5 pm.  

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Ranikot Fort: The Great Wall of Sindh

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Ranikot Fort, often dubbed as the “Great Wall of Sindh,” is one of Pakistan’s most fascinating and enigmatic historical landmarks. Situated near the town of Sann in Jamshoro District, Sindh, the fort is recognized as one of the largest in the world, with a perimeter of around 32 kilometers (20 miles). Despite its immense size and strategic location, much about its origins remains a mystery, adding to its allure and significance as a cultural and historical monument.

Historical Background

Ranikot Fort is believed to have been originally constructed in the first half of the 17th century, though there are varying accounts about its exact origins. Some historians suggest that it may date back even further, to the reign of the Sassanian Empire or earlier. It was later renovated and expanded during the rule of the Talpur Mirs in the early 19th century, as they sought to fortify their domain against external threats.

The purpose of the fort, however, remains unclear. While some believe it was built as a defense against invasions, others argue that it was a means of securing trade routes or serving as a safe haven for local rulers. The lack of any major historical records associated with significant battles or sieges at Ranikot adds to the ambiguity surrounding its function.

Architectural Marvel

The scale of Ranikot is staggering, covering an area of approximately 32 square kilometers. The fort’s massive walls snake across the barren landscape, resembling the Great Wall of China, with which it is often compared. Constructed from limestone and sandstone, the fort’s walls rise up to 6 meters (20 feet) in height and are punctuated by several bastions and watchtowers.

Ranikot has four main gates: Sann Gate, Amri Gate, Shah-Pere Gate, and Mohan Gate, each offering access to different sections of the fort. The Sann Gate, located on the eastern side, is the main entrance and is notable for its intricate design and stonework.

Within the fort’s vast expanse lies another fortification known as the “Meeri” or “Mirikot,” a small fort within the larger walls that served as the residence of the Talpur Mirs. This inner fort has its own gates and walls, adding an additional layer of defense. The Meeri Fort is perched on a hill, providing a commanding view of the surrounding landscape.

The Great Wall of Sindh

The fort’s walls, stretching across the arid hills, resemble a smaller version of the Great Wall of China. This feature has earned Ranikot the nickname “The Great Wall of Sindh.” The zigzagging walls extend for miles, blending into the rocky terrain, and are a stunning sight, especially at sunrise or sunset when the golden light casts long shadows over the surrounding desert.

Unlike the Great Wall of China, however, Ranikot is not located in a highly populated or strategically important area. Its remote location has contributed to the fort’s air of mystery, as well as its relative obscurity in the global historical and architectural landscape.

Mysteries and Theories

The true purpose of Ranikot Fort is still shrouded in mystery. Scholars and historians have proposed various theories about why it was built, ranging from a defense structure against invasions from Central Asia to a royal retreat for the Talpur dynasty. Some suggest that it was intended to protect the local population from bandits and raiders, while others believe it may have been a strategic point for controlling trade routes passing through the region.

One of the most intriguing aspects of Ranikot is the lack of significant historical records or evidence of major battles taking place there. Its size and scale suggest that it must have had some important function, yet it remains an enigma to this day.

Cultural Significance

Ranikot Fort is not only an architectural marvel but also a cultural treasure. It stands as a testament to the rich history of Sindh, a region that has been home to ancient civilizations, including the Indus Valley Civilization. The fort’s design reflects the influences of various dynasties and cultures that have ruled over Sindh, from the Greeks and Mauryas to the Mughals and Talpurs.

In modern times, Ranikot has gained recognition as a symbol of Sindh’s historical heritage. The fort has been nominated for inclusion in UNESCO’s World Heritage Sites list, which would help preserve and promote this incredible site on a global stage.

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Terich Mir: The Majestic Peak of the Hindu Kush. (33rd Highest Peak in the World)

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Terich Mir, standing proudly at an elevation of 7,708 meters (25,289 feet), is the highest peak in the Hindu Kush mountain range and one of the tallest mountains in the world. Located in the Chitral District of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan, Terich Mir is a symbol of natural beauty, geographical significance, and adventure, attracting mountaineers, trekkers, and nature enthusiasts from around the globe.

Geographical Significance

Terich Mir is part of the western Himalayas, which extends into the Pamirs and Karakoram ranges. Its towering presence dominates the landscape of Chitral, a region already known for its breathtaking valleys, rivers, and forests. The mountain stands as a natural divider, separating the valleys of the upper Chitral region from Afghanistan’s Wakhan Corridor. Its prominence has made it a focal point in the study of climate, geography, and ecology within this part of the world.

Cultural and Historical Relevance

The name “Terich Mir” is thought to have origins in the local language, where “Terich” refers to the valley and “Mir” means king. It is often referred to as the “King of the Hindu Kush” due to its stature and importance in local lore and geography.

The people of Chitral have lived in the shadow of this great mountain for centuries, and their culture is deeply intertwined with the landscape. The Kalash, a unique indigenous community residing in nearby valleys, maintain ancient traditions, rituals, and festivals that are as enduring as the peaks themselves. Terich Mir plays a key role in the region’s oral history, and local legends often attribute mystical significance to the mountain.

Mountaineering and Exploration

Since the first successful ascent in 1950 by a Norwegian expedition led by Arne Næss, Terich Mir has been a sought-after destination for mountaineers. The peak presents a variety of challenges, from steep icy slopes to unpredictable weather, making it a technical climb that only experienced climbers dare attempt. Despite its allure, fewer expeditions attempt Terich Mir compared to peaks in the Karakoram, partly due to its remoteness and difficult accessibility.

For trekkers and nature lovers, the region offers an unparalleled experience. The approach to the base of Terich Mir involves scenic routes through the Chitral valley, crossing lush meadows, rushing rivers, and serene villages. The awe-inspiring vistas of the snow-capped mountains, combined with the tranquility of the region, offer a sense of connection with nature that is difficult to match.

Biodiversity and Ecology

Terich Mir is not just a marvel for its size but also for the unique flora and fauna that inhabit the region. The area around the mountain supports diverse ecosystems, ranging from alpine meadows to glacial landscapes. Wildlife in the region includes snow leopards, ibex, Marco Polo sheep, and a wide variety of bird species. The forests at the lower elevations are home to rich biodiversity, contributing to the mountain’s ecological significance.

Tourism Potential and Conservation

While Terich Mir remains relatively unexplored compared to some of Pakistan’s other peaks, its potential as a tourist destination is immense. Promoting sustainable tourism in the region can bring economic opportunities to the local communities while raising awareness about the need to protect the fragile environment of the Hindu Kush.

Efforts are already underway to develop infrastructure to support eco-tourism, with the local government and NGOs working together to balance the needs of conservation and economic development. The serene beauty of the region combined with the cultural richness of Chitral makes Terich Mir not only a climber’s paradise but also a destination for those looking to experience Pakistan’s unparalleled natural heritage.

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